François Legault and Justin Trudeau | Disagree less than you think

François Legault and Justin Trudeau |  Disagree less than you think

If we go by official statements, a world separates Quebec and Ottawa on immigration. On the one hand, François Legault shows the closure. Justin Trudeau, on the other hand, opens his arms wide.


But by separating the levels, a more nuanced portrait emerges. In recent months, Ottawa has come to grips with reality.

Not long ago, Mr. Trudeau stuck to his usual moral discourse. According to him, the concept of “carrying capacity” is questionable. Any limits on immigration smack of intolerance. But he cannot deny the facts. A rapid and significant increase in immigration accentuates the housing crisis. The number of permanent residents also exacerbates teacher and healthcare shortages.

Another indisputable fact: Quebec is doing more than its efforts. It hosts more than a third of the country’s asylum seekers, punching above its demographic weight.

In recent months, the central government revised its stance.

He recognizes that receptiveness is not unlimited.

He did not deny the pressure on public services.

He agrees that temporary workers should know French.

Finally, he agrees to voluntarily better distribute asylum seekers geographically in the country. He formed a committee with provinces that will make its recommendations in the fall.

Mr. Trudeau has changed a bit in his speech. But in his actions, he is slowly coming closer to Quebec’s demands.

Mr. It is the opposite in the case of Legault.

He raises his voice at the risk of encroachment to put pressure on the central government. For example, he argues that “100%” of the housing crisis comes from immigrants, while it results from rising interest rates, bureaucracy and the withdrawal of investments in social housing.

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But Mr. Legault was less committed to substance than to form.

This is especially true for immigrant populations. For permanent candidates, after a dip in 2018, it recovered volume to normal levels. Since he came to power, the number of temporary workers has increased from 1,60,000 to 560,000. This is not entirely due to the federal government – ​​Quebec manages at least a third of these candidates.

In principle, the CAQ government wants to reduce the number of temporary migrants. But he didn’t want to do it himself.

There are two main types of programs.

Quebec restricts workers with a closed permit. These people come at the invitation of an employer in a sector where there is a shortage of workers.

The other program, International Mobility (PMI), is administered by the central government. It’s a catch-all that affects many groups, including open-license workers who can change employers without losing their residency rights.

Mr. Govt should make cuts in PMI to reduce temporary migration. Legault would love to. For this, Mr. Trudeau responds: If you insist on reducing the number of temporary residents, first show us your plan…

Despite this disagreement, the Liberal leader was no longer opposed to the austerity policy. Not an insignificant change.

As for language, Mr. Legault has already acted.

Last November, it announced that temporary workers with closed permits would need to demonstrate Level 4 verbal ability – enough to carry on a conversation. However, this will be verified only when their license is renewed. Agricultural workers are specifically exempted.

Quebec wants the federal government to impose the same requirement on other temporary worker programs administered by the federal government. Mr. Trudeau is now open to it.

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For asylum seekers, it’s more complicated.

The responsibility rests entirely with the central government. Quebec is only in the role of beggar. But at least his grievances are recognized now.

The federal government has reissued visas for Mexican nationals. They now need this document to stay in the country. This immediately reduced their numbers.

Most of the asylum seekers in Quebec are now from India. CAQ Immigration Minister Christine Fréchette has called for stricter visa issuance to reduce the number of applicants. He wants to reduce by 50%.

This cannot be guaranteed. The central government controls the means, but not the results. Although this simplifies the process, it must respect international law.

However, Quebec and Ottawa recognize that it will take longer to process requests. This is true on two levels. Central government is taking long time to issue work permit to applicants. And he delays reviewing their files to determine whether to grant them refugee status and thus permanent residency leading to citizenship.

For Quebec, this is frustrating. This is because the province provides them with social assistance while they wait for a work permit.

Mark Miller, federal immigration minister, promises to reduce delays. Whether he tames his bureaucracy remains to be seen. But at least he acknowledges the problem.

Finally, there is the discussion of a compensation check for Quebec. Disagreement is common here. The two levels of government negotiate for their financial interests.

I don’t want to erase the obvious differences between MM. Legault and Trudeau. Their views on immigration are very different. This is notable for one particular category: family reunification, for example, spouses reuniting with their families. Quebec is delaying files and the federal government is stamping its feet and demanding more humanity.

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But for others, prime ministers exaggerate their differences in front of the cameras to please their respective constituents. The gap is smaller than they say, and it continues to narrow.

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